14:10-14:20 Session 3 Introduction
Session 3 : That Which Supports Form
Watada Minoru / Tobunken
Materials that make up form, techniques and tools that enable form, individual
or group consciousness or philosophy that stand in the background of form,
corporeality, social trend or political situation contexts, or those things which
surpass all such considerations and can only be called chance; supported by all
manner of things, form is born by people at a certain time and is recognized by
people of that and other times.
This session will bring together studies that approach the question of form
by transcending individual considerations such as genre, period and region.
Whether actual object or simply image, we take an awareness of form as the
starting point, then must broaden our consideration to that which surrounds
form, and in the end, once again return to the issue of form. The gathering of
a number of examples reveals the expansive nature of these issues related to
form, and this session will delve into the issues and potential of such methodologies
themselves.
|
|
14:10-14:20 Paper 1
Localizing the Hachiman engi
Melanie Trede / Heidelberg University
Proselytizing religious beliefs and memorializing
historical events are not only intimately connected, they
also share the tendency to take on spatial and material
form. Such forms can be described as what historian
Pierre Nora called lieux de mémoire “Realms of Memory.”
These sites of memorializing history serve to
enhance social coherence in the present and on into the
future. This paper seeks to apply Nora’s concept on local
productions of karmic origin scrolls of the Hachiman
deity.
Research on the breadth and depth of illuminated
handscrolls narrating and depicting the Karmic Origins
of the Hachiman Deity (Hachiman engi emaki) is still in
its infancy. These scrolls are mentioned in twelfth-century
documents, but the earliest extant version dates to
1322. Myriad copies and reinventions of this textual and
visual medium were created thereafter. The first part of
the narrative recounts the pregnant, pre-historic Empress
Jingu’s alleged conquest of the three Korean kingdoms
with the help of the Sumiyoshi deity. The second part
relates Jingu’s giving birth to the future Emperor Ôjin,
his posthumous manifestation as the Hachiman Deity,
and miraculous appearances at various sacred sites of
his worship. The illuminated scrolls of the medieval period
served various ends, but donated to “shrine-temple
multiplexes” (Allan Grapard) related to Hachiman veneration
as they were, they served as a tool for proselytizing,
as a plea for prosperity and peace, as well-guarded
and legitimizing treasures, and some were saturated with
political significance.
In 1985/6, art historian and pioneer Miya Tsugio introduced
a number of extant medieval Hachiman handscrolls,
and categorized them into type A and B, dividing
them along the lines of textual coherence, script type,
and aesthetic judgements. Thereafter, scholars have
come up with diverging text versions, which challenge
Miya’s two-type theory (e.g. Kuroda/Tsutsui).
This paper expands on the A / B - type dichotomy by
looking at two examples of Hachiman scrolls, which
reveal specific strategies to imbue their imagery with a
distinct local identity, departing from models they purport
to be copying. The first example is a body of scrolls
created in the Suô region of today’s Yamaguchi Prefecture
during the second half of the fifteenth century. Even
though these scrolls would technically belong to Miya’s
type A, they diverge from earlier and contemporaneous
depictions on a compositional, iconographic, and stylistic
level. The result is the creation of new iconographies,
which allude to different contexts. The second example
is the Hakozaki Hachiman engi set of two scrolls dated
to 1672. Although most scenes follow the established
A-type of iconographies, others are re-interpreted or
added, giving rise to an obvious emphasis on the locality
and geographic distinctness of the Hakozaki shrine in
Fukuoka Bay.
These two case studies of Hachiman engi productions
show that these scrolls take on specific forms so as to
cater to a local audience in the sense of Nora’s lieux de
mémoire, going beyond Miya’s A/B-type dichotomy.
|
|
14:50-15:20 Paper 2
Craft is another word for vessel. Since the early
1990s, the ordinary vessels started to be considered as
a category of art. This was the result of early vessels
gaining the name of cultural assets by modern studies
of archaeology following the tendency of preference
over Goryeo celadon, and the Choson Art Exhibition of
the 1930s allowing crafts to join the ranks of art. The
perception of vessels changed dramatically since the
scholar-art world cooperated in seeking the historical
and artistic values of it.
While its artistic values have enhanced after being
subjected as an art-historical context, the vessel’s substantial
truth as an ordinary and daily object seems to
have diminished. This is due to the concentrated effort
on pulling up its formative significance, resulting in the
lack of attention on revealing the basic essentials of the
vessels including the methods of production and structural
forms related to the usage of the vessels. The key
point of the problem is that the crafts history responsible
for the study of vessels is in the range of the art-historical
field that has concentrated in researching forms.
Troubles from the study methods or the crafts history of
this era most likely would have triggered it.
Vessels before the modern times were rarely created
without fulfilling its purposefulness. A purposeful craft
leads to an intimate co-relationship with everyday life.
And it is obvious that us humans ultimately take part as
consumers. Hence, a new attempt on thorough research,
viewing the vessel as it is, is needed.
For this, a new research outline and a point of view
that exceeds the existing rigid history are necessary. The
scope of vision is expanded over the boundaries of art
history with its basis on the history of crafts. If needed,
analytic methods of studies such as anthropology, ethnology
or ergonomics should be applied. The phrase of
Modernism that ‘the form follows its function’ is not
only restricted to objects after the modern era. If the
usage reflected in the form is a fine record of time, the
attempt of revealing its fundamentals is a priority in fulfilling
its scholar-art evaluations.
This article will focus on restoring the original ‘truth’
of vessels hidden behind the inertia of modern studies.
Questions on how the usage affects its form and the
correlation between closely placed objects will be dealt
thoroughly. The form of the vessel is nevertheless a
scope looking through the lives of the era. I believe that
the spectrum of total directional vision derived from the
form of vessels will lead us closer to everyday lives hidden
beneath art.
From this perspective, early modern photographs
of traditional lives provide crucial evidence for an
all-rounded study of vessels. If the form of the vessel is
a reflection of living and existence, the object and the
life styles of its consuming people become essentials
when analyzing it. It is the ordinary demands of the
consumer group of the era rather than the craftsman who
decides the form. The craftsman’s role is to mediate social
messages through his detailed craftsmanship. This is
why the vessels can be seen as bearers of cultural memory.
If this attempt is correct, it could be an opportunity
to widen views and complement original studies.
(Translated by Choi YoonSun)
|
|
15:30-16:00 Paper 3
Between “Virtue” and “Form” in the History of Chinese Painting : The Structure of Critical Evaluation, with a Focus on Wu Bin’s Road to Shanyin
Tsukamoto Maromitsu / Tokyo National Museum
Wu Bin, active at the end of the Ming dynasty, is a
painter who was heralded in the 20th century as a major
Eccentric School painter. Michael Sullivan’s article in
1970 followed by James Cahill’s study in 1982 spearheaded
this interest, reevaluating Wu Bin in terms of
the unusual historical conditions of the late Ming–early
Qing period, and as an individualist painter linked to
modernity in Chinese painting. And yet, the true image
of this painter cannot be fully understood from the few
related remaining documentary sources. He has continued
to be enveloped in the multilayered, complex
valuation systems that have existed from his lifetime to
the modern era. This paper will attempt to clarify the
changes in the multilayered value construct regarding
Wu Bin’s distinctive “forms.”
The painting under discussion is the Road to Shanyin
(1608, Shanghai Museum). The entire length of the
handscroll was displayed during the Treasures of Chinese
Painting from the Shanghai Museum exhibition
held at the Tokyo National Museum in 2013, providing
an opportunity to understand the forms of this painter not
available from previous reproductions of the work. The
handscroll begins with a spring scene bathed in morning
light, followed by a humid summer scene effectively employing
the “ox hair” texture strokes 牛毛皴 developed
by the Yuan dynasty painter Wang Meng and the Mistyle
landscape methods of the Southern Song painter Mi
Youren. Shifting to an autumn evening scene, Wu Bin
used the “egg-rock” texture strokes 卵石皴that had been
featured effects in the works of the Yuan dynasty Huang
Gongwang, and Dong Yuan and Juran active in the Five
Dynasties through Northern Song dynasty. The scroll
ends with a wintry dusk scene in the style of the Tang
dynasty painter Wang Wei and employing the expansive,
lyrical painting methods of Zhao Lingrang and Li Cheng.
The title of the painting, Road to Shanyin 山陰上道図, is
essentially and completely unrelated to an actual scene,
and here Wu Bin displays his stance as a painter who
freely employs historical styles, as if boasting of his own
painterly prowess and deep understanding of Chinese
painting history.
Of further importance is the fact that this work was
created for Wu Bin’s greatest patron, Mi Wanzhong
of Beijing. Wu Bin met Mi in 1601 (Wanli 29) and
moved to Beijing some time before around 1610 (Wanli
38) where he painted Landscape of Shaoyuan for Mi.
According to Wu Bin’s own inscription, Mi, who had
become the governor of Tanghe district in Jiangsu, commissioned
the Road to Shanyin handscroll in 1607 (Wanli
37), and Wu completed it the following winter. Wu Bin’s
inscription notes that it was painted “in the brush styles
of the various masters of the Jin, Tang, Song and Yuan.”
In Chinese traditional painting the fact that both the
creator of a work and its admirer are highly cultivated
is the basis for the creation and appreciation of calligraphy
and painting, and painters based their “imitating
the old” stance on such standards. For that reason, in
this instance Wu Bin was applauding his patron’s noble
character by creating this painting as a reconstruction of
the history of Chinese painting for presentation to that
patron.
Regardless, Wu Bin’s art has been evaluated as “eccentric,”
“individualistic,” and “modernism” amidst the
modern structure of critical evaluation. In this evaluation
his works and their context have been greatly skewed,
and the “form” of Chinese landscape painting can be
seen as having been greatly changed through the complex
changes in context, from painter to patron, China
to America, late Ming–early Qing to modern era, and
the history of calligraphy, painting and art. Through the
example of Wu Bin’s Road to Shanyin, this paper will
attempt a clarification of one aspect of the structure of
the critical evaluation of “form” as it occurs in Chinese
painting.
(Translated by Martha J. McClintock)
|
|
16:00-16:30 Paper 4
The Form of Memory: Representation of Heaven and Hell in Cosmo Rosselli’s Thesaurus artificiosae memoriae (1579)
Kuwakino Kôji / Osaka University
In recent years scholarly attention has focused on the
cultural history of the West’s early modern era (15th
century through the beginning of the 17th century). This
period saw a succession of dramatic events that smashed
the static worldview that had lasted up until the preceding
medieval period — from the revival of ancient cultures
to the invention of printing techniques, discovery
of new continents, religious reform, and on and on. And
as a result, this period can be seen as the time in which
new political, economic, cultural and religious frameworks
that still continue today were formed.
What characterized the culture of the time was the
excess of information. Great numbers of cultural artifacts
were flowing into the marketplace from newly discovered
continents and Asia. And a massive amount of
new knowledge was being distributed thanks to the new
medium of printing.
Memory strengthening methods, “Ars Memorativa,”
descend from ancient debating and logic arts. What can
be called the art of memory, was a set of mnemonic
principles widely used by the intelligentsia of the day
as a prescription against what today we would term information overload. The technique involved was the orderly combination of space and image. The person who practiced these “mnemotechnics” would impress upon their minds an appropriate space or architectural structure which would serve as the base image. Upon or within this would be superimposed the duly organized associative images of the content to be remembered. Using the power of the visual image they were able to effectively compact the massive amount of written information. This series of images was usually placed within a set group of spaces in good order inside the previously memorized architectural space. When they wanted to recall data, they would meditate, move through the architecture in their mind and as they encountered each image stored there, they would extract the information entrusted to that image.
The virtual architecture that served as the means for memory storage and recall can be considered the “forms” of the memory. Continuing this image, the form of the information ordering inside the minds of these early modern era people can be seen inside these imaginary spaces. Investigation of the great number of memory method manuals published at the time reveals that the majority of them present actual world architecture or streetscapes as models for memory devices. And yet, there can also be seen works that offer absolutely imaginary spaces. The major example of this type can be seen in Cosimo Rosselli’s Thesaurus Artificiosae Memoriae (1579).
Rosselli’s memory model bears a close resemblance to Dante’s The Divine Comedy, with a path progressing from hell up to heaven, with specific forms depicted for each individual space. These literally imaginary constructs within the mind can thus be seen as offering the ideal container for storing memory images. For example, if we look at hell we can see a geometric construct that looks like a round theater, with Lucifer enthroned in the center. The spaces containing sinners and devils are all divided in an orderly fashion. Heaven is the same way, centered on Christ with angels and saints arrayed amidst a space divided in a radiating geometric form. This study reconstructs these imaginary spaces of memory and by exposing their characteristics, aims to gain a vantage point for investigating the forms of early modern era memory and psyche.
(Translated by Martha J. McClintock)
|
|
|