13:00-13:10 Session 1 Introduction
Session 1 : Forms as Groups
Emura Tomoko / Tobunken
The same type of motif or shape “forms” appear in multiple things. When
we focus on those shared characteristics, there appear some cases where a
specific form maintains the same meaning or function as it is transmitted, disseminated
and inherited. Conversely, there are some cases where meaning or
function changes to something completely different. Or indeed, then there are
the cases where there is absolutely no mutual connection. Individual separate
forms can also be grouped for consideration, whether in terms of personal
style, period style or regional style.
This focus on forms’ shared aspect is an absolutely standard study approach.
And yet, because of that pervasive factor, it is necessary to not only refine
the involved methodologies within each discipline, it is also crucial to open
cross-discipline discussion. This session will bring together the methodologies
used to consider form in different disciplines, and reconsider the true nature of
those standard methodologies.
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13:10-13:40 Paper 1
The idea of “form” from prehistoric perspective: observations on dogu and other Jomon
artefacts
Simon Kaner / Sainsbury Institute for the Study of Japanese Arts and Cultures
Dogu, or ceramic figures derived from human and
animal forms, and Flame pots (kaen doki) are two of
the best known forms of artefact from the prehistoric
Japanese Jomon period. These objects suggest that the
Jomon should be compared with episodes of exceptional
creativity in other parts of the prehistoric world, including
those which resulted in the Palaeolithic cave paintings
of southwestern Europe. I have been involved with
exhibiting both dogu and Flame pots for international
audiences in recent years, and also in interdisciplinary
research projects which attempt to understand and interpret
these distinctive forms of ancient material culture
for contemporary audiences. These projects have been
undertaken against a background of renewed interest in
objects in the discipline of archaeology, in particular the
materiality and agency of objects.
Much recent work on ‘representational’ material culture
recovered from archaeological contexts has drawn
on ideas developed in anthropological approaches to
visual art. Alfred Gell in his ‘Art and Agency’ (1998)
argues for visual art as a ‘form of effectiveness of the
virtuosity of the artist’, and as a ‘form of instrumental
action’. He develops the concept of abduction, what is
inferred from representations, to inform his theoretical
approach to creativity. Although Gell’s approach has
been criticised in recent years, it provides an interesting
baseline from which to revisit the concept of form more
generally and its utility in interpreting prehistoric artefacts.
I will draw on specific case studies, in particular Jomon
items recently designated as National Treasures
(namely four dogu from Tanabatake (Nagano), Chobonaino
(Hokkaido), Kazahari (Aomori) and Nishinomae
(Yamagata) and an assemblage of Flame pots from Sasayama
(Niigata). I will question whether the criteria for
designating such objects in this way relates at all to their
value for archaeological interpretation, or whether they
are only significant in terms of appreciating these items
as art objects in the contemporary world, and whether
these two questions are mutually exclusive. Answering
these questions requires a consideration of context, and
the extent to which archaeologists seek to give meaning
to objects through analysis of contextual information.
I explore how we can assess the creativity exhibited
in these objects through an appreciation of form, how
those forms came about, and how they were reproduced
over time. Notions of imitation, emulation and tradition
are helpful in understanding the motivations behind how
a blob of clay is given form, either as a pottery vessel or
as a dogu.
In addition to the ideas of Gell, I draw on ideas developed
by the French anthropologist Andre Leroi-Gourhan
(whose own collection included Jomon pieces) regarding
the chaine-operatoire, the sequence of actions, both
discursive and practical, which gave rise to artefacts of
any particular material form. I also look back over the
history of the idea of terms such as form, style and type,
and their Japanese archaeological counterparts keishiki
and yoshiki, as articulated by Kobayashi Yukio and Kobayashi
Tatsuo.
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13:40-14:10 Paper 2
Refrain and Repetition in Music: Creating and Transmitting Musical “Forms” Over Time
Takakuwa Izumi / Tobunken
Sound is momentary. It disappears as soon as resounds.
We only perceive sound in our memory. Refrain
(kurikaeshi in Japanese),remembering flowing sound
as a form, is a simple but effective device. In European
classical music, sonatas, ternary form and other musical
styles were established on the basis of refrain and variation.
Japanese music is considerd to have no stylistic
form, the performance arts that was created in the medieval
period, such as Noh plays, established musical
styles that involved the entire structure of the piece,
down to its most detailed elements. Zeami (c.1363–
c.1443) proposed a densely woven structure. This paper
will consider how refrain effects were used in the establishment
of the form/style of a Noh work through an
investigation of the melody and acting.
Repetition is the only and the best tool for handing
on to later generations the performing arts or music.
Without repetition, accumulation of practice lessons, the
essence of how to act them, nor how to chant them, can’t
be made concrete. However, in the course of repetition,
the transmission has been changed a little by little. It
is because a child and/or student is not the complete
copy of his parent and/or teacher, and differences that
emerge across time also have the added effects of period
and taste. Whether intentional or not, it is impossible to
avoid the addition of changes and new creative elements
in each repetition. The performing art that withstands
such change can be said to be a classic that moves its
audience no matter the period.
Noh plays have been transmitted over the more than
700 years since they were written by Zeami. And yet the
Noh of 700 years ago is not exactly the same as what
is staged today. How has the form of Noh changed as a
result of the effects of repetition? A discussion of this
issue will help initiate a consideration of what form
means in traditional Japanese music and performing
arts.
(Translated by Martha J. McClintock)
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14:20-14:50 Paper 3
Ascending Dragon Paintings: “Form” and Act
Yukio Lippit / Harvard University
The subject of the “coiling dragon” (banryū zu) –
sometimes referred to as “dragon and clouds” (unryū zu)
– often painted on the ceilings of temple architecture,
was considered a notable and prestigious painting subject
during the Edo period. Although it has not always been
the subject of sustained scholarly consideration, banryū
zu can yield numerous insights into the complex ways in
which form related to meaning in early modern Japan.
The origins of banryū zu are unclear but have some
relationship to the motif of coiling dragons on the backs
of Chinese bronze mirrors. Eventually this subject was
transferred to the ceilings of Chinese architectural interiors
during the Song period, but often retained the
roundel format and was painted on a special architectural
component referred to as “mirror ceilings”. Although
the subject of dragons had imperial connotations, in this
context it is most likely that they performed an apotropaic
function, a symbolic architectural feature that was
meant to prevent fire damage. And it was through the
importation of Song-style architecture to Japan under
the rubric of “Zen-style architecture” (Zenshū yō) that
mirror ceilings came to be painted in Japan as well.
When the earliest Japanese mirror ceiling was painted
in Japan is unclear, but the monk-painter Minchō 明
兆 (1352-1431) is said to have painted one for Tōfukuji
temple during the medieval period. By the early Edo
period, it had become an established practice for coiled
dragons to be painted on the mirror ceilings of important
Zen monasteries, and the subject was usually assigned
to high-ranking painters, as indicated by the career of
official painters-in-attendance (goyō eshi) such as Kano
Tan’yū (1602-74).
Ceiling dragons came to be considered prestigious
commissions that reflected the status of their painters, akin
to other important subjects such as the “wall paintings of
wise counselors” (genjō no shōji) that adorned the Shishinden
building of the Imperial Palace. Its importance to the
identity of painting lineages is reflected in painting texts of
the Edo period. The most famous example of these is the
biographical entry for Kano Sanraku (1559-1635) in Kano
Einō’s History of Painting of the Realm (Honchō gashi)
of 1693, in which Sanraku’s completion of Kano Eitoku’s
ceiling dragon for Tōfukuji – itself a repair of Minchō’s
original – appears to legitimate his status as an authentic
successor to Eitoku.
An examination of ceiling dragons opens up onto
many intriguing art historical questions. The importance
of the subject has to do with the inherent prestige of the
dragon as a representational theme in East Asia, as well
as the nature of institutions where they were found –
oftentimes well-known Zen monasteries. The scale and
semi-public nature of banryū zu were also relevant to
their importance; they engendered a unique relationship
between the painted subject and the viewer, who was
immersed within the visual field of the dragon. In this
regard, it is no wonder that ceiling paintings were oftentimes
highly prestigious painting subjects in the west as
well.
There was also something, however, in the nature of
the subject of the dragon – the way it showcased atmospheric
effects and thus the skill of the artist – that made
it an ideal showcase for the mastery of the painter. It
conveyed both the virtuosity and performativity of ink
painting in a way that made it an important subject in any
format, especially large-scale formats such as folding
screens and sliding-door panels. In this regard, the ceiling
dragon opens up onto questions of the relationship
between form, scale, site, artistic status, and meaning.
But it also has the potential to complicate the distinction
between tangible and intangible artifacts in premodern
Japan.
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14:50-15:20 Paper 4
The Creation of Style for Modern-Era Temporary Imperial Architecture
Ozawa Asae / Tokai University
In architecture, the term “forms as a group” means
“standards” for certain functions or uses. Standards
as seen in contemporary mass-produced housing are
a “form” contrivance that allows for rapid and cheap
mass production. “Style” on the other hand differs from
“standards” in that it is not simply “form” but rather also
is inextricable bound with a shared “awareness.” For
example, the shoin-zukuri architectural style of Japan’s
pre-modern era included the use of interior finishing and
decoration that provided visual clues as to the status of
the people who would be encountered in that setting.
Thus the shoin architectural style was effective thanks
to the fact that all of the people involved were aware of
the same rules. Unlike other art objects, architecture is
something used by people and hence it can be said that
in architecture there is a strong link between “form” and
people.
How then are the forms and awareness used as “style”
actually made? Let us examine the temporary structures
created in the pre-modern era for imperial visits as an
example.
The term anzaisho refers to buildings constructed as
temporary residences for the Emperor when he visited
regional Japan. Areas for rest, as opposed to overnight
stays, were called okoyasumisho. During the Edo period,
as a general rule, the Emperor did not leave the
Imperial Palace during his reign, nor even leave the
capital (Kyoto). In the modern era, however, with the
aim of spreading the word of the Meiji Restoration and
gaining a grasp of conditions in regional Japan, the
Meiji Emperor traveled around the entire country from
1872–1885 (Meiji 5 through Meiji 18). To accommodate
these journeys, more than 1,000 temporary residences
and imperial rest facilities were prepared. From the first
imperial journey taken in 1872, the Emperor dressed in
Western clothes, and this image became the well-known
symbol of the birth of Japan as a modern nation. The
chairs, tables, beds and other furnishings for use by the
Emperor were carried along on each journey, and this
meant that the chair-based room interiors and lifestyle
created through tables and chairs spread through all of
the temporary residences.
Given these practices, previous studies of the subject
have focused on Western-style architectural examples
of temporary imperial residences, such as the Hôheikan
in Sapporo. However, judging from both the records of
these journeys and the extant architecture, the majority
of these structures were Japanese-style buildings. While
the notifications sent to the various prefectures prior
to these journeys indicated that as long as there were
no particular problems, renovations of the temporary
residences were unnecessary, in fact, the majority of
them were either newly built or renovated structures.
Regardless of the fact that these buildings were not subject
to special instructions and regardless of locale, these
buildings all shared certain features, such as the fact that
the room for the Emperor’s use was limited to one room
of about 8 tatami mats in size, the height of the roof
and eaves were emphasized on the exterior, while in
the interior there was an emphasis on the placement of
the jodan (raised floor areas) area and the height of the
ceilings, as well as the frequent use of gold and silver
leaf. In the Western architecture best suited to chair seating,
the buildings that had originally been built as either
schools or local government structures were filled with
tatami mats only during the imperial visit and further
fitted with temporary jodan and tokonoma (display alcoves).
These features are considered to be usage of the
shoin-zukuri architectural style, while the selection of a
shingled kirizuma roof style and positioning of Shintô
offering shelves were features based on usage in Shintô
shrines and the imperial palace.
In other words, the standards and forms that signal high status known from the pre-modern era were used in these temporary imperial residences, while the addition of a Western-style chair seating space was the creation of a modern “space for the Emperor.” The highly uniform nature of these fittings strongly reveals the shared awareness regarding pre-modern architectural style shared by the people of the time.
These special features of the temporary imperial residences disappeared in the nationwide tour taken by the Crown Prince Yoshihito in the late Meiji period, when buildings with floor plans and fittings that resembled those of the imperial palace and imperial villas were used instead. Against this background, the completion in 1888 (Meiji 21) of the Meiji Palace, which took a particularly long consultation period, can be seen as the establishment of a “style” for a “space for the Emperor” that could be applied to any locale.
(Translated by Martha J. McClintock)
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