Implicit in this wider view is, first, the promotion of cultural diversity and its continuity and, second, the acceptance that tradition need not be diminished by its own evolution. Two practical implications arise: first, wider access to the World Heritage List and, second, the recognition that the outstanding value of World Heritage sites must be seen in context. These measures are an acknowledgment of the universal value of living cultures in Asia and other parts of the world. They are of direct relevance to the topic of this Seminar, which relates World Heritage sites and their management to sustainable development, in terms of urban and territorial planning practices.

Japan has hosted recent international conferences, which have recognised, in different ways, the relationship between sites of outstanding cultural significance, development and World Heritage listing - a 1994 conference in Nara on Authenticity (and cultural diversity); another in Kobe and Tokyo earlier this year on Risk Preparedness for Cultural Properties. In 1996, a conference on Mount Fuji concluded that, while it is undoubtedly an associative cultural landscape worthy of World Heritage listing, its management is not yet adequate to sustain its outstanding universal values. The inscription of Japan's historic Gassho villages on the World Heritage List is acknowledgment of the need for protection of traditional practices in the face of economic pressures.

This paper argues that the management of World Heritage sites should relate to their social and ecological contexts, in the interests of the sustaining their outstanding universal value. In addition, it submits that current approaches to World Heritage continue to require extension to re-interpret the values of living cultures and their landscapes of development.

EXTENDED APPROACHES TO WORLD HERITAGE
World heritage listing need not prevent all change to the protected place; change must not however threaten the particular values identified. Thus, development decisions require not only management skills but also on-going interpretation of the place - as essentially as physical tasks. This is particularly so during transitional periods of development. It is not suggested that long-standing values will be fundamentally altered, but the strength of contemporary search for meaning is acknowledged, identifying new relativities between values and recognising growing concerns in the community, from other than professional sources.

Change management is a recent instrument for predicting and guiding processes of change, re-adjusting past trends and incorporating new factors. Cultural resource management is a field well-suited to this approach - the original statement of significance of a place may, by way of example, be monitored to identify changes in local perception. For instance, the nominations of three Australian properties on the World Heritage List have been varied over time. In one case (Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park), the values ascribed were expanded from purely natural ones to those of a cultural landscape and, in the others (Kakadu National Park and Willandra Lakes), the boundaries were altered under revised evaluations. It should be remembered that countries nominating properties rely on both their own national rankings of value and on perceptions of their international image.

World Heritage nominations may now include the values of cultural landscapes in various forms, merging values from separate natural and cultural sources. In the serial listing of places, themes become the trigger for assessment. A practical thematic methodology for establishing outstanding universal value was developed in Australia (J. Domicelj, P. James and H. Halliday, 1992)in which, through a series of sieves, the strength and universality of themes and cases are tested. This method acknowledges the diversity of sources from which values may emanate, frequently from a developmental context.

In 1996, a conference in Dubrovnik considered its place as a World Heritage city and its relation to conservation and development. The meeting recognised that a comparative thematic analysis could enrich the interpretation of the dynamic values of this spectacular city. Similarities with the Malaysian port of Malacca were mentioned. It was concluded that the city's formidable presence should not be an obstacle to the appreciation of its physical surroundings and more subtle stories. Rather, it should act as a central, robust incentive to enriching a locally-based sense of place. It was also concluded that, once a place is universally recognised, it will be subject to a variety of influences and pressures which may cause changes to the substance of its recognised value (S.Domicelj, 1996).

TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT AND SUSTAINABILITY
Planning and conservation are affected by decentralised forms of urbanisation, both planned and spontaneous (Domicelj, 1996). Suburbs, urban peripheries and increasingly, the re-urbanisation of earlier development, generate opportunities for a symbiotic relation between' development and conservation. New technologies, waves of migration, the annexation of natural resources and life-style changes have altered the low economic priority previously associated with the periphery of cities. More discrete forms of urbanisation are developing in cities and regions, with the potential for close links with local resources and cultural identities. In South- East Asian nations, for example, a generic case of incipient urbanisation is the kampong, reliant on a resilient culture which straddles the rural-urban dichotomy.

As the aims of, and controls over, rapid development vary significantly among different development agents, sustainability in essence and form is bound to differ. Foot-loose industries, stimulated by communication technologies, affect the location of employment opportunities and population mobility across cities and territories. Markets fluctuate in response to virtual employment networks, forcing residents to alternate between locations across large work catchment areas. For reasons of both economics and tradition, communities identified closely with specific places deter wasteful mobility and the mis-use of resources. Socially, sustainability of human resources encompasses attachment to place and its community, as a safety-valve in times of economic deprivation and as a source of potential cultural advancement.

A new regionalism is in the making, incorporating different forms of formal- informal sector relationships. Insofar as they have a say, a major policy choice facing cities is the degree of their integration into externally controlled national or global economies, with their contingent benefits but losses of local character and identity (Garau, 1992). The indiscriminate use of resources for urban development has led to extensive rehabilitation schemes, giving rise to investment opportunities in which conservation and development are intertwined. These programs call for radical approaches, such as that promoted by the OECD in Europe, to monitor the state of national environments. The move from economic regulation to market response makes it more difficult to limit the adverse impacts of development on social and environmental systems.

The 1996 State of the Environment report in Australia concluded that recent progress in ecological economics, which takes into account the expenditure of natural capital, is relevant to social questions in measuring the loss of productive human capital caused by social and economic stress. To achieve socially and ecologically sustainable urban development, a new form of accounting is needed, which credits as assets the health and well-being of natural and social systems and debits their depletion. Conservation of human resources naturally favours culturally based urban development.

The interpretation of contradictions between modernisation and tradition is difficult. An eminent Indian geographer stated- 'the contradiction is resolved by the modernisation of tradition itself through a simultaneous process of rejection of the moribund and assimilation of its live, vital and relevant elements...The modern does not generate in a vacuum; it grows in the womb of tradition. It does not replace it, it transforms it...(as) a new wave in the ocean of time' (Raza, 1990). The judgement on what is moribund and what is alive in a particular tradition is to be made by the custodians of that tradition. While these judgements are being made, conservation can act as a useful speed-check.

Cities today are subsumed within broader national or regional cultural identities. National cultures, in turn, are affected by the phenomenon of internationalisation, leading to homogeneous behaviour, consumer values and status icons. On the other hand, regional development efforts are simultaneously challenging national/ international trends to confront richer traditions and local identities. The reconciliation of these disparities is called for in the 'generation of an intermediate culture' and is a major challenge to policy-makers (Aoki, 1990). This intermediate culture should not be seen as a second-best version of the latest consumer model but rather as an original, local blend of various contradictory forces. Cities and nations in transition may uphold composite identities.

THE MORPHOLOGY OF SPATIAL POLICY
An acknowledgement of the value of existing development has grown in the 1990s. There are, however, clear distinctions between those design policies which focus on new expressions and those which focus on the enhancement of existing development. New projects are often inward looking, relying on imported resources to satisfy the needs of 'society', dependent on state-of- the-art industrial technology and. defining space in functional terms, with time considered as 'the future'. In contrast, projects attempting to conserve (or transform) given development are contextual in nature, emphasising resource sustainability, satisfying the needs of a given community, relying on home- grown or up-graded 'adapted' technology, nurturing space and considering time as evolution. These differences are significant, though not absolute.

Above all, a morphological approach to design emphasises cultural continuity, without attempting to freeze the past. It accepts change within living traditions, with identity amenable to adaptation on its own terms. This approach is one of respect and evolution. In contemporary terms, attention to urban typology and morphology has been central to conservation since the 1950s. Focusing on the adaptation of buildings, this practice respects original forms while striving, in recomposing significant urban areas, to incorporate socio-economic change. It mitigates against the dislocation of old and new and encourages progressive social adjustment, with the potential for economic reward. (cf. Dr. Sandi Siregar's morphological study of the City of Bandung, Indonesia, 1990).

Twentieth century city architecture has produced a robust building stock. This now affords opportunities for revitalisation, previously considered unviable by policy-makers and investors. The technology of conservation has improved, enabling better practical application. The study of the life-cycle of urban stock and its process of ageing guides the renovation process, with new opportunities for re-investment and economic gain (Lichfield, 1988). Good maintenance extends the life of buildings, although structures must eventually become obsolete. If socio-cultural issues justify it, some form of conservation becomes appealing before this final stage.

The ageing process of buildings and urban areas varies over time. The age of structures and fabric is one factor, but others are just as significant. Lichfield identifies four aspects of obsolescence - the physical, the functional, the locational and the environmental. The first two refer to the structure and use of buildings 'within their bounds', while the latter two refer to external, off- boundary and city-wide planning circumstances. For any building, at a particular time, the state of each factor will vary, requiring different forms of rectification. Each has a specific bearing on conservation policies. Economic viability is thus tested against the call for cultural conservation.

Adaptive re-use of cultural resources has been comprehensively analysed by Serageldin, and applied in the historic medinas of Moslem northern Africa (UNESCO, 1986). Some of these areas were severely run down but offered scope to extend cultural and economic life. In view of the scale of renovation required, and the variety of needs to be fulfilled, the author asked three fundamental questions, to test the range of cultural motivations. The first was 'what is to be conserved?', the second was 'why is it to be conserved?' and, the third was 'for whom is this conservation?'. As a result, the viability of the investment was established for the particular cases, which were then successfully pursued.

Serageldin defines the adaptive re-use of historic cities in an approach, which is also applicable to less dramatic cases of cultural significance. The proposed adaptations combine 'preservation with up-grading'. A significant reason for re-using culturally resourced areas is the rejuvenation of their economic base for tourism, as well as providing services and high-tech facilities for the local population. A common goal is the 'convergence of continuity and change', within 'time-oriented-planning' (Perloff, 1969). Ultimately, conservation is planning with a lighter touch - the firm, coherent care of all resources, with emphasis on human ones, as in Asia.

A CONCLUSION:
Resilience of Sustainable World Heritage Site Protection
From earlier sections of this paper, it may be concluded that rapid urbanisation with discontinuous conservation, however significant, overlooks the need for continuity of cultural resources in space and time. A cultural interpretation of sustainability is essential, in facing the risks posed by development pressures. Cultural planning for valued territories and urban areas is necessary for their own sake, as for the management of outstanding World Heritage sites. A deeper understanding of diverse cultural resources is called for, during the rapid spatial transformation of cities and territories. This encourages the sensitive recognition of the common place and, simultaneously, supports the collective recognition of extraordinary values worthy of universal acknowledgement through World Heritage listing.

The location of a World Heritage site is significant. The site may well be distinguished by its surrounding landscape, as the integral setting for its world heritage values. Therefore, contiguous areas (buffer zones) as well as the actual site are identified for protection under the Convention, to enable resistance to pressures and conflicts from surrounding development. There has often been an attempt to 'insulate' sites, at times isolating them, and thereby creating new problems. There is evidence to suggest that the integrity of sites may be as threatened by under-use as by over-use. It is therefore critical to present and monitor an interpretation, which encourages not only visitation, but also understanding and appreciation of World Heritage values.

What is needed is both governance and risk management of sites to guarantee the sustainable use of World Heritage areas. Cultural custodians and stakeholders should be centrally involved, together with appropriate agencies and professionals, to ensure the retention of authentic values and their appeal to visitors and the universal constituency. There is scope for community participation and mediation in this process to reconcile local, national and universal concerns, in identifying values and managing presentation and access. Kakadu and Uluru-Kata Tjuta World Heritage National Parks, for example, have been successfully co-managed, ecologically and culturally, for over ten years by their traditional Aboriginal owners, with the support of Parks Australia officers.

The field of educational effort in building bridges between planning and conservation is capable of rich regional interpretation in Asia. Although the relative 'mix' of knowledge from the two disciplines will vary for particular regions and significant sites (whether of world heritage value or not), the productive tension between tradition and modernisation is certain in both disciplines. In south-east Asia for example, the island-archipelago nature of the region means that cultural thresholds are identified through transitions and time-lags in territorial change. In regional training for these issues, the differences between planned and uncritical development can be established, drawing together the fields of cultural heritage and planning. Thus, transforming cultural environments emerges as the focus for future Intergrated Territorial and Urban Conservation training programs.

REFERENCES

Domicelj J, James P & Halliday H (l992).'Australia's Cultural Estate- A framework for the assessment of Australia's cultural properties against the World Heritage criteria', Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra.

Domicelj S (1996).'Conservation and function' The role of cultural planning in Developing a World Heritage city policy', World Heritage between conservation and development, International Seminar, Dubrovnik.

Haryadi (1994).'Conservation of cultural settings: The case of Yogyakarta's Inner city' in AskewmM & Logan, S. (eds). Cultural Identity and urban change in South East Asia, Deakin University, Melbourne.

Ministry for the Environment (1996). 'Australia State of the Environment', State of the Environment Advisory Council, CSIRO Publishing, Melbourne.

Raza, M.(1990).'Time, place and culture: An Indian profile' in Domicelj, J & S. (eds). A sense of place: A conversation in three cultures, Australian Heritage Commission, Canberra.

Aoki,T (1990).'Culture and development-An Asian perspective', Fukuoka, United Nations University, Tokyo.

Siregar, S (1990). 'Bandung-The architecture of a city in development', Vols. I& II, Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven.

Lichfield, N (1988).'Economics in urban conservation', Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Serge Domicelj
Tokyo, October 1997